Dependent case and anti-identity in Yimas*
نویسنده
چکیده
This paper examines the case and agreement system of Yimas (Lower Sepik; Papua New Guinea) and situates the properties of this system within a broader discussion of morphological case. In Yimas, morphological case distinctions determine the form of a series of preverbal agreement clitics. Moreover, because these clitics are largely optional, it can be shown that the case patterns that surface are controlled by the total number of clitics present—thus, computed internal to the clitics. I argue that the distributions of case on the Yimas clitics are exactly as predicted under a dependent theory of case assignment (e.g. Yip et al., 1987; Marantz, 1991; Bittner & Hale, 1996; Baker, 2015; Levin & Preminger, 2015). However, while dependent case is typically assumed to appear on nominals based on their structural configuration, the Yimas facts necessitate an extension to this theory: in Yimas, dependent case appears on doubled clitics, and is thus determined jointly by structural configuration and clitic context. This point of variation provides a unique lens into the fundamental underpinnings of dependent case. In particular, it reveals that dependent case should be subsumed under a broader phenomemon of dissimilation (cf. Baker, 2015). Following Richards (2010) and Nevins (2012), I take the featural dissimilation of otherwise indistinguishable morphosyntactic objects as a response to a general anti-identity requirement imposed by the grammar. Thus, in this paper I motivate and defend the following properties surrounding the nature of dependent case:
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تاریخ انتشار 2015